法里德观点：美国总统权利远超开国元勋们设想 | 2025.1

法里德观点：美国总统权利远超开国元勋们设想 | 2025.12.01 | 美剧级别字幕

发布于 2025-12-01 · 时长 11:13

字幕摘录

时间	英文	中文
0:01	In a conversation with a friend, originally from Pakistan, I lamented that country's recent	在与一位来自巴基斯坦的朋友的谈话中,我对这个国家最近发生的
0:07	decision to give its head of army expanded powers, including lifetime immunity from legal	给予其军队首长扩大权力的决定,包括终身免于法律制裁
0:13	prosecution.	起诉。
0:15	My friend replied, we're just following in America's footsteps.	我的朋友回答说,我们只是追随美国的脚步。
0:19	Didn't your Supreme Court rule that the president could kill his political opponent and yet	你们的最高法院不是裁定总统可以杀死他的政治对手吗
0:24	be immune from prosecution?	免于起诉?
0:27	Welcome to America's new democratic export, the unchecked executive.	欢迎来到美国的新民主出口, 不受约束的行政。
0:33	If America's founding fathers were to come back and look at their legacy, what would	如果美国开国元勋回来看看他们留下的遗产会怎样?
0:38	stun them without a doubt is the modern presidency.	毫无疑问,现代总统给他们以震撼。
0:42	They designed the American political system explicitly to fragment power.	他们设计了美国的政治制度明确地分裂权力。

展开字幕全文（145 条）

序号	英文	中文
1	In a conversation with a friend, originally from Pakistan, I lamented that country's recent	在与一位来自巴基斯坦的朋友的谈话中,我对这个国家最近发生的
2	decision to give its head of army expanded powers, including lifetime immunity from legal	给予其军队首长扩大权力的决定,包括终身免于法律制裁
3	prosecution.	起诉。
4	My friend replied, we're just following in America's footsteps.	我的朋友回答说,我们只是追随美国的脚步。
5	Didn't your Supreme Court rule that the president could kill his political opponent and yet	你们的最高法院不是裁定总统可以杀死他的政治对手吗
6	be immune from prosecution?	免于起诉?
7	Welcome to America's new democratic export, the unchecked executive.	欢迎来到美国的新民主出口, 不受约束的行政。
8	If America's founding fathers were to come back and look at their legacy, what would	如果美国开国元勋回来看看他们留下的遗产会怎样?
9	stun them without a doubt is the modern presidency.	毫无疑问,现代总统给他们以震撼。
10	They designed the American political system explicitly to fragment power.	他们设计了美国的政治制度明确地分裂权力。
11	They were reacting against a monarch and the accumulation of all powers in the same hands.	他们反对一个君主,反对所有权力都集中在同一个人手中。
12	That's a quote from Federalist 47.	这是联邦主义者47的引文.
13	They purposefully conceived of a decentralized and restrained executive, described in the	他们有意设想建立一个权力下放的、受约束的行政机构,如《宪法》所述。
14	notably brief Article 2.	特别是第2条。
15	The presidency was an office for faithfully executing the laws, bounded by carefully constructed	总统府是一个忠实执行法律的办公室,由精心建造
16	checks from the legislature and the judiciary.	立法和司法机构的检查。
17	Congress by contrast was named the first branch of government, and vested with the lion's	相对而言,国会被命名为政府的第一个分支, 并被赋予狮子
18	share of authority, the powers to tax, spend, declare war, and regulate commerce.	拥有征税、支出、宣战和管制商业的权力。
19	James Madison, the de facto author of the Constitution, explicitly acknowledged this	《宪法》的实际作者詹姆斯·麦迪逊明确承认
20	fact in Federalist 51, writing that in Republican government, the legislative authority necessarily	在联邦主义者51中写道,在共和党政府中,立法当局必须
21	predominates.	占多数。
22	Even Alexander Hamilton, often thought to have urged an imperial presidency, in fact	甚至亚历山大・汉密尔顿, 经常被认为敦促帝国总统,事实上
23	believes strongly that the president had few monarchical powers.	强烈认为总统几乎没有君主制权力.
24	In Federalist 69, he contrasts the British king with the American president, saying the	在联邦主义者69中,他把英国国王和美国总统作对比,说:
25	latter is elected for merely a four-year term and is amenable to personal punishment and	后者任期仅为四年,可受到个人处罚;
26	disgrace.	丢人
27	He adds that Congress and not the president had been given the powers to provide advice	他补充说,国会而不是总统被赋予提供建议的权力。
28	and consent on treaties, declare war, and raise an army.	和同意条约, 宣战,和组建军队。
29	The reason the president's foreign policy powers are mostly limited to military command,	总统外交政策的权力大多仅限于军事指挥
30	he explains in Federalist 75, is that an avaricious man might be tempted to betray the interests	他用"联邦主义者75"解释说一个贪婪的人可能会背叛利益
31	of the state to the acquisition of wealth.	以国家换取财富。
32	An ambitious man might make his own aggrandizement by the aid of a foreign power the price of	一个野心勃勃的人可能让自己被外国强权的帮助
33	his treachery to his constituents.	他背叛他的选民。
34	Yet by the 1960s, this finely tuned mechanism had clearly seized up.	然而,到1960年代,这一经过精细调整的机制已明显地得到利用。
35	Wars, economic crises, and the media's tendency to nationalize and centralize attention created	战争、经济危机以及媒体将注意力国有化和集中化的趋势
36	a one-way ratchet for ever-increasing unchecked presidential power.	对不断增长的不受约束的总统权力进行单向纠缠。
37	This dramatic imbalance culminated in the constitutional crises of the Vietnam War and	这种戏剧性的不平衡最终导致了越南战争和
38	And in the 1970s, Congress, finally energized by bipartisan outrage, passed a series of	在20世纪70年代,国会终于被两党的愤怒激起通过了一系列
39	laws designed to rein in executive excess.	旨在控制行政过度的法律。
40	For example, the Inspector General Act of 1978 created a cadre of internal watchdogs	例如,1978年《监察长法》建立了内部监督干部队伍。
41	to root out waste and fraud in departments premised on the understanding that they would	* 消除各部门的浪费和欺诈行为,其前提是:
42	be protected from political retaliation.	免遭政治报复。
43	The whole set of restraints didn't work, while Congress established the legal mechanisms	整套限制都行不通国会建立了法律机制
44	for control, for example, regarding war powers.	例如,关于战争权力的控制。
45	It lacked the collective political will to hold the president to them.	它缺乏把总统交给他们的集体政治意愿。
46	Furthermore, after 9-11, war on terror resolutions effectively nullified these restraints, all	此外,在9-11事件之后,反恐决议实际上使这些限制化为乌有。
47	but giving presidents carte blanche for the use of military force.	但总统有权动用军事力量
48	Beyond laws, after Nixon, both parties had agreed to a set of powerful norms, for example,	除了法律之外,尼克松之后,双方都同意了一套强有力的规范,例如,
49	fire-whirling the Justice Department from the White House.	从白宫向司法部开火
50	One principle established that the president should not direct the attorney general to	一项原则规定,庭长不应指示总检察长:
51	investigate or prosecute specific individuals.	调查或起诉具体个人。
52	Additionally, presidents voluntarily released their tax returns and placed assets in blind	此外,总统自愿发放纳税申报单,将资产置之不理。
53	trusts, financial transparency designed to assure the public that the commander-in-chief	信任、财务透明度,旨在向公众保证总司令
54	was not profiting from the office.	不是从办公室获利。
55	The Trump administration has shredded these constraints.	特朗普政府粉碎了这些制约因素.
56	Even worse, the most egregious violations have been sanctified by the Supreme Court	更糟糕的是,最高法院认定了最恶劣的侵权行为
57	based on the bizarre unitary executive theory.	基于奇怪的统一执行理论
58	This once-fringe legal doctrine asserts that a terse phrase in Article 2 somehow grants	这一一度失效的法律学说断言,第2条的一个词句在某种程度上允许
59	the president unrestricted authority over the executive branch.	总统对行政部门不受限制的权力。
60	Even though Congress has been explicitly given the power of the purse and can use it to create	尽管国会被明确赋予了钱包的权力可以用来创造
61	agencies and departments, determine their structure and functions, and direct where	各机构和部门,决定其结构和职能,并指导何处
62	its funds be spent, the president has virtually unlimited powers under this interpretation	根据这一解释,总统拥有几乎无限的权力。
63	to run those agencies even when he violates specific congressional intent.	即使他违反了国会的具体意图也要管理这些机构
64	This expansion of executive power has culminated in the court's 2024 decision in Trump v. United	行政权力的扩大最终导致法院在2024年特朗普诉联合案中的裁决
65	States in which the court held that the presidents enjoy absolute immunity for actions within	在哪些国家,法院认定,庭长对在
66	their core constitutional powers and presumptive immunity at a minimum for all other official acts.	其核心宪法权力和推定豁免至少适用于所有其他官方行为。
67	In a blistering dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor noted that under this standard, a president	索尼娅·索托马约法官在激烈的反对意见中指出,根据这一标准,总统
68	could arguably order SEAL Team 6 to assassinate a political rival and be shielded from criminal	可能命令海豹突击队第6小队暗杀政治对手并免于罪犯的追捕
69	liability provided the order was given through official channels.	如果命令是通过官方渠道下达的,则承担赔偿责任。
70	The American presidency has journeyed from a modest constitutionally constrained office	美国总统从一个受宪法限制的微薄职位上走过
71	{\fn黑体\fs22\bord1\shad0\3aHBE\4aH00\fscx67\fscy66\2cHFFFFFF\3cH808080}给超级总统 {\fn黑体\fs22\bord1\shad0\3aHBE\4aH00\fscx67\fscy66\2cHFFFFFF\3cH808080}赢得全心全意的注意和权力
72	Donald Trump has pushed these powers to the utmost, but he has been enabled by a failure	唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)将这些权力推到了最大程度,但他却因失败而得以实现.
73	of political courage in Congress and an ideological Supreme Court that seems to have lost any	国会的政治勇气和意识形态最高法院似乎失去了任何
74	respect for original intent and precedent.	尊重原意和先例。
75	The result is a structural asymmetry where the first branch of government is now the	结果是结构不对称,政府第一分支现在是
76	weakest and the Supreme Court is a rubber stamp.	最弱,最高法院是橡皮图章.
77	The court does have a chance to stop this accumulation of power by asserting what they	法院确实有机会通过维护权力来阻止这种权力的积累。
78	plainly know is true, that the president can't just declare national emergencies at will	总统不能随意宣布国家紧急状态
79	to place and remove tariffs unilaterally.	单方面规定和取消关税。
80	If not, the American presidency will become for the world not an example of limited constitutional	如果不是的话,那么美国主席将成为世界上一个没有宪法限制的例子。
81	government but rather of a modern dictatorship, wielding far more unbridled power than George	拥有比乔治更无节制的权力
82	III did when the Founding Fathers rebelled against him 250 years ago.	三世是250年前开国元勋反抗他的时候.
83	America is a deeply divided country.	美国是一个严重分裂的国家。
84	Polls show that Democrats and Republicans not only disagree on policy, they each believe	民意测验显示,民主党和共和党人不仅在政策上有分歧,他们都相信
85	that they are operating with a different set of basic facts.	他们以不同的基本事实行事。
86	It is in this political climate that the United States will celebrate its 250th birthday next	正是在这种政治气氛下,美国将在明年庆祝250岁生日.
87	year.	年数。
88	In honor of this milestone, the historian and biographer Walter Isaacson has written	为了纪念这个里程碑,历史学家和传记作家瓦尔特·艾萨克森写道:
89	a book about the most famous sentence from the Declaration of Independence.	一本关于独立宣言最著名的句子的书。
90	As a reminder, it reads,	上面写着:
91	We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed	我们认为,这些真理是不言而喻的,所有的人都是平等的,他们有天赋的。
92	by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty	由创造者享有某些不可剥夺的权利,
93	and the pursuit of happiness.	和追求幸福。
94	The book is called The Greatest Sentence Ever Written.	书名为"有史以来最伟大的句子".
95	Welcome, Walter.	欢迎,沃尔特。
96	I just said the sentence, so what more is there for us to discuss?	我刚刚说了句子,我们还有什么要讨论的呢?
97	Well, you know, let's look at the edit of it.	嗯,你知道,让我们看看它的编辑。
98	It's wonderful that the first draft, those of you and I who are both writers and editors,	很高兴第一稿你和我都是作家和编辑
99	is in the basement of the Library of Congress.	在国会图书馆地下室
100	And Jefferson starts it with, we hold these truths to be sacred.	杰斐逊首先认为这些真理是神圣的
101	And there's Benjamin Franklin's black backslashes of a printer, putting in self-evident, because	还有本杰明·富兰克林的黑色反鞭打印机,不言而喻,因为
102	he had just come back from visiting David Hume, who talked about self-evident truths	他刚从拜访大卫・休姆回来他谈到了不言自明的真相
103	of logic, saying, okay, our rights come not from the dogma of religion, but from reason.	我们的权利不是来自宗教教条而是来自理性
104	Then the sentence goes on, they're endowed with rights.	然后判决继续, 他们被赋予权利。
105	That itself is fascinating, because so many people think of this as being divinely granted,	这本身是令人着迷的, 因为这么多人认为这是神赐予,
106	and they're almost saying no.	他们几乎拒绝。
107	Almost saying no, but the sentence goes on to say, they're endowed by, and it's John	几乎说不,但句子继续说, 他们的天赋,这是约翰
108	Adams' rights, their creator with rights.	亚当斯的权利,他们的创造者的权利。
109	And so you see, just in the editing of a half of a sentence, them doing the balance of the	所以,你看,仅仅在编辑半句,他们做的平衡
110	role of divine providence, the role of rationality in creating the nation, but not banking it	神圣的天赐理性在创造国家中的作用但不是银行
111	totally based on religious beliefs.	完全基于宗教信仰
112	To you, what was the attraction of looking at the Declaration at this moment?	对你来说,眼下看《宣言》有什么吸引力?
113	Well, as you said, it's our 250th, and as you certainly know, and you've written about	正如你说的,这是我们第250家, 如你所知,你写过
114	the rise of populism not too long ago, we're in no mood to celebrate a birthday party.	民粹主义的兴起不久前, 我们没有心情庆祝一个生日派对。
115	We're very divided.	我们非常分裂
116	It's like Thanksgiving or whatever, we have to all come together.	这就像感恩节什么的, 我们必须聚集在一起。
117	Well, I figured, how could we do what we did in 1976, when after Watergate, Vietnam, and	嗯,我想,我们怎么能做我们1976年做的, 当水门,越南,
118	the riots, we had a bicentennial?	暴动,我们有一个二百周年纪念?
119	Well maybe if we all reflect on the mission statement of our country, which most of us	也许如果我们都思考一下我们国家的任务说明
120	can subscribe to as an aspirational thing, not something we've achieved or they achieved,	而不是我们成就或他们成就的东西
121	but we have to keep achieving, then maybe some of the poison in our politics could be sapped	但是我们必须继续实现, 那么也许我们政治中的一些毒药会被感染
122	out.	出来。
123	When you look at how they did the Declaration, you have all sorts of people with different	当你看到他们是如何做宣言, 你有各种各样的人与不同的
124	Some who are slave owners, some who are abolitionists, and yet they come together to say this is	有些人是奴隶主,有些人是废奴主义者,但他们走到一起说:
125	a mission statement that can live and breathe.	任务说明,可以生存和呼吸。
126	When Jefferson takes Locke's idea of life, liberty, estates, and property, and turns	当杰斐逊接受洛克关于生命,自由,财产的观念,然后转身
127	it into life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, it's a breathing phrase that sets	它进入生命,自由, 追求幸福, 这是一个呼吸的短语,设置
128	the stage for the American dream.	美国梦的舞台。
129	So I think we can all embrace it.	所以,我想我们都能接受它。
130	Talk about that for a minute, because that's so interesting, you're right, so John Locke	说说看,因为这很有趣,你说得对,所以约翰洛克
131	says life, liberty, and property, and then Jefferson in the Virginia Statute says property,	说生命,自由和财产, 然后杰斐逊在弗吉尼亚法规说财产,
132	right?	对吧?
133	Well George Mason does most of the writing of the Virginia Statute, but you're absolutely	乔治·梅森主要负责写弗吉尼亚州法规但你绝对是
134	right, it says property.	对,上面写着财产
135	It says property and happiness, or just property?	它说财产和幸福, 还是只是财产?
136	It says estates and property.	上面写着庄园和财产
137	So do we know what Jefferson was thinking when he enlarged that phrase?	所以,我们知道杰斐逊在扩大这句话时在想什么吗?
138	The pursuit of happiness wasn't just okay, let's have fun and parties, it was a pursuit	对幸福的追求并不只是好的, 让我们玩玩,派对,这是一个追求
139	of your own fulfillment.	自我满足
140	And he had read Voltaire, Rousseau's De Social Contract, and I think he's trying to say each	他读过伏尔泰的《卢梭的社交契约》我想他想说的是
141	new generation has got to figure out its own pursuit of what will fulfill it.	新的一代必须想出如何完成它
142	And for most of our history, we've been able to have each new generation do better than	而对于我们的大部分历史, 我们能够让每一代人做得比
143	the last.	最后一个
144	Nowadays, that's in jeopardy, that's the American dream in jeopardy, but that too was part of	现在,这是在危险, 这是美国梦在危险,但这也是的一部分
145	what Jefferson was pledging us to try to pursue.	杰斐逊保证要我们去追求的

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